Former Pakistan skipper Ramiz Raja has criticised the PCB for removing Shan Masood as the Test captain for the upcoming tours of West Indies and England. The PCB has reinstated Babar Azam as the skipper, something that hasn't gone down well with Raja, who is also a former cricket board chairman. Incidentally Babar led the national Test team from 2020 to 2023. “You give him an ordinary Test team and then expect him to produce good results,” Ramiz commented on his YouTube channel. He expressed concerns that Babar, who had replaced Shan as the Test captain for the coming tours of the Caribbean and England, would also face similar challenges. "If I had been in Shan's place, I would have submitted a written protest with the board that when a captain is consistently given a group of ordinary players consistently then how can you expect positive results?," Raja lashed out at PCB mandarins. “If the standard of the Test squad is not good, how is the captain only responsi...
Exit polls for the Tamil Nadu Assembly election point to a commanding return for the DMK-led alliance, but one projection for actor Vijay's TVK has emerged as the defining variable in a contest that may yet defy precedent.
While most exit polls converge on a DMK-led victory, the Axis My India projection has shifted the center of gravity of the conversation by placing Vijay's Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in the 98 to 120 seat range. LIVE UPDATES
That estimate, if borne out, would not only disrupt the immediate electoral outcome but force a reassessment of what constitutes a breakthrough in Tamil Nadu politics.
To understand the scale of that claim, it must be placed against history.
The DMK's landmark 1967 victory delivered roughly 138 seats in a 234-member Assembly and installed the party in power. But that win came after years of organizational buildup and electoral participation dating back to the 1950s.
A decade later, in 1977, M G Ramachandran's AIADMK secured around 130 seats. Though formally new, it emerged from a split within the DMK and carried with it a substantial share of the existing cadre and political network.
The Axis projection for TVK describes a fundamentally different case. The party was registered in 2024, is contesting all 234 seats independently, and does not draw from an inherited Dravidian structure.
On raw numbers, even the upper end of 120 seats would fall short of those earlier benchmarks. But as a greenfield, stand-alone formation taking on both dominant parties simultaneously, such a result would arguably mark the most significant debut by a genuinely new political force in the state, if it materialises as projected.
That possibility stands in sharp contrast to the broader exit poll landscape, which largely favors continuity.
People's Pulse projected the DMK alliance at 125 to 145 seats and the AIADMK bloc at 65 to 80. Peoples Insight offered a similar range of 120 to 140 for the DMK and 60 to 70 for the AIADMK. Praja Poll went further, estimating 148 to 168 seats for the ruling alliance and limiting TVK to a marginal 1 to 9 seats.
Other agencies introduced more competitive scenarios. P-Marq placed the DMK alliance between 125 and 145 seats and the AIADMK between 65 and 85, while assigning TVK 16 to 26 seats. Matrize projected a narrower gap, with the DMK at 122 to 132, AIADMK at 87 to 100, and TVK at 10 to 12.
A handful of polls suggested a fractured mandate. Kamakhya Analytics estimated the DMK at 78 to 95 seats, AIADMK at 68 to 84, and TVK at 67 to 81, placing Vijay's party in a potential kingmaker role. JVC projected an AIADMK-led surge with 128 to 147 seats, pushing the DMK to 75 to 95 and TVK to 8 to 15.
Against this fragmented backdrop, the Axis numbers stand out not only for their scale but for the scenarios they unlock.
At 118 seats or above, TVK could form a government on its own. Between 105 and 117, it could emerge as the single largest party and face immediate coalition pressures. Between 98 and 104, it could still hold the balance of power, with the ability to support or block either of the established alliances.
These pathways carry added significance because TVK's campaign rested on rejecting pre-poll alliances and positioning itself as an independent alternative to both DMK and AIADMK. A strong showing would validate that strategy and suggest a consolidation of support across voter segments that have historically split between the two dominant formations.
Even so, exit polls are not definitive outcomes. Tamil Nadu's electoral history includes instances where projections have failed to capture final seat distributions, particularly in contests involving multiple competitive fronts.
For now, the state stands between two narratives. One points to a familiar result anchored by the DMK alliance. The other, driven by the Axis projection, raises the prospect of a structural shift led by a first-time entrant.
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